Since the withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA, the Europeans have adopted a common position by committing to a diplomatic solution to the crisis in order to prevent Tehran from having nuclear weapons. As the agreement collapses, E3 (France, Germany and the UK) and the EU are focusing on the dispute settlement process to save the deal. Several European governments also stressed the need to support de-escalation efforts in the Middle East and stressed the need for a diplomatic initiative on regional security. The most important issue of cooperation between the EU and Kuwait could be the coordination of power struggles in the region, sectarian or otherwise. Kuwait itself has no sectarian agenda and aims to preserve harmony between its Sunni majority and a large and influential Shiite minority. While Kuwait also deplored attempts by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) to infiltrate a radical fringe of its Shiite community and set up spy cells in the country, the Ruler of Kuwait made headlines in 2017 by exchanging letters with Iranian leaders to improve relations between the two Gulf coasts. Although this attempt has not been successful, Kuwait`s willingness to engage with the major parties is essential for the EU, which considers that reducing sectarianism and political competition is essential to the stability of the region. In this context, a permanent presence in Kuwait could indicate that Brussels is ready to strengthen its political game in arguably the most strategic and volatile waters in the world. The UK can play a particularly important role in supporting Saudi ceasefire efforts. In this context, a central group led by Germany and Sweden – which have been more active than other European countries in supporting the national dialogue in Yemen and which are already working with Norway and the Netherlands on Yemen – would be well placed to put pressure on a lasting ceasefire and relaunch the UN political process , marked by the Stockholm Agreement of 2018. After a long and destructive stalemate in the war, Europeans need to encourage Saudi Arabia and the UAE to see the merits of a political process that engages with the Houthis. They should also use their communication channels with the Houthis (in coordination with Oman) and Iran to press these actors to uphold their end of any ceasefire or political agreement. At the inter-regional level, European countries should renew their existing cooperation initiatives with the GCC, learning from the failures of the past.
This would provide a platform for a coherent and comprehensive European strategy for the entire GCC region and could even take action to resolve the GCC crisis. In this regard, Europe could focus on the joint action programme for the implementation of the GCC-EU Cooperation Agreement, a detailed energy, economic and socio-cultural cooperation plan launched by the pages in 2010, but which expired in 2013. Given the socio-economic transitions that all GCC countries are currently undergoing, Europe could take advantage of some of the agreement`s dormant initiatives to position itself as an important partner in the development of the GCC region. Given that some countries – such as France and the United Kingdom – have more influence and can coordinate policy responses more effectively than other countries (not to mention the EU ENSEMBLE), they will need to support this approach for it to be successful. These states can build on their strong historical ties to the region, including their people-to-people political and economic ties, advanced security cooperation, defence agreements and even their military presence.